RANDA ABDEL-FATTAH: I think what people don't realise is you can exclude people in a racist way but you can also include them in a racist way and the way that you do that is through your language and so it’s by saying, you know, as long as you follow our Australian way, our Australian values, our core values, that is a way of including people but always qualifying their acceptance and their belonging and managing them and schooling them. The idea that Muslims are a policed community within the larger community.
When will these "representatives learn that Islam is not a race?
RESTRICT MUSLIM MIGRATION00:33:17
PETER SONNERS: Regarding the recent terrorism-related arrests, should we be discussing the issue of possibly restricting the flow of further Muslim migration to this country until we see evidence of better success in integration of the people who are already here?
TONY JONES: Scott Ludlam?
SCOTT LUDLAM: I think that's an excellent case study really of what we are trying to discuss here. What it reminded me of a little bit and what I was thinking of the conversation before is a really important piece of the puzzle is the very tight feedback loop between media and politicians around this stuff and seeing the way that the tabloid papers in this country at the moment are choosing to deal with the issue as well is hurling fear at people every morning and that's what the politicians are getting for breakfast. That's what their media advisers is putting them in front of them and I think it's creating an immensely tight feedback loop. No, I don't think we need to do some sort of national character assessment of Muslims while we restrict immigration. Australia is one of the most successful examples of multiculturalism anywhere in the world and the kind of divisiveness, I guess, and, you know, people in the community will be taking their lead in part by what they hear from political representatives and what they see in the press. I think, in fact, that kind of fear, that is what terrorism is. It's that corrosion and that undermining of the underpinnings of society. We've done bloody well here in Australia, I would say, and we need to protect that and that includes protecting everybody in this country.
TONY JONES: Anne?
ANNE-AZZA ALY: Well, what I find quite distressing about that is back in - this is a legacy of post-9/11 discourse in Australia, where immigration, asylum seekers, Muslim women in particular, Muslims in general and terrorism were all lumped into one and constructed as this big problem that Australia has to deal with. The idea of Muslims not integrating into Australian society - you've got two Muslim women sitting here on this panel, and there are successful Muslims around Australia, numerous successful Muslims all around Australia. 99.99% of Muslims are good, law-abiding citizens and are taxpayers, I might add, so the idea that we must wait and see whether or not Muslims integrate into Australia - Muslims have been here for a very, very long time, and just, you know, 14 years on, and we're still talking the same talk. We need to move on.
Well there's a whole lot of denial in one short discourse.
TONY JONES: Okay. Let's go to Michael Keenan. I’ll bring you back to the first question asked by Mona and that is: is this a political wedge aimed at drumming up xenophobia? They were her words?
MICHAEL KEENAN: Well, I hope I've answered that from some of my earlier contributions, Mona. I mean, this is not. This is a sensible response from the Government to change the security circumstances in Australia. And the reason that the bill hasn't been put out for public consultation yet is because it’s only just been completed. When we’ve - you know, the situation - the security situation in Australia changed quite rapidly in response to events in the Middle East in particular and we needed to respond to that and we've been working diligently with our security agencies to get up a package that we believe will be the appropriate balance between protecting our liberties and making sure the Australian community is safe.
TONY JONES: So, Michael, what’s already been floated in the public, five year jail sentences aimed at hate preachers who incite others to acts of terrorism, tougher arrests and questioning of suspects on reasonable grounds, a new way of choosing who the suspects who can be questioned are, secret searches of homes, easier issuing of control orders and a ten year extension of the sunset clauses around the existing preventative detention rules. Can you confirm all of those?
MICHAEL KEENAN: Well, that is a reasonable summary about some of the things we will be doing. I wouldn’t quite characterise it in exactly the same way as you have done but what we want to do is we want to have a modern and flexible legislative arrangement that allows the Australian Federal Police and ASIO to deal with the changed circumstances on the ground. Now, we've had anti-terror laws in this country for over 10 years. We've learnt something about the utility of some provisions within that regime, and we want to make sure that we've got a regime that now deals with these changed circumstances and we do live in a heightened threatened environment. There is no question of that. We live in a heightened threat environment and, look, and the best way I can illustrate that is the first tranche of anti-terror laws, in - well, going back ten years ago under the Howard Government, was largely in response to the fact that we had 30 Australian citizens go and fight in Afghanistan. Twenty-five of those citizens returned to Australia and, subsequently, 19 of them were involved in terrorism-related activity. Now, we have up to 160 Australian citizens either fighting with or supporting ISIL and other related terrorist organisations.
MARK DREYFUS: Don't overstate, it Michael.
MICHAEL KEENAN: I’m not overstating it. That is actually the facts. Where have I overstated it, Mark?
MARK DREYFUS: Well, it's this compilation. We've seen this a lot from the Government. The fear that the Government has given is that about 60 Australians have gone to fight in Syria or Iraq and about...
MICHAEL KEENAN: And 100 are supporting.
MARK DREYFUS: ...100 are here in Australia supporting in various ways.
MICHAEL KEENAN: That’s exactly right.
MARK DREYFUS: So don't lump it together as 160.
MICHAEL KEENAN: Well, I’m sorry, Mark, that’s exactly what I said. I said there was 160...
MARK DREYFUS: Well...
MICHAEL KEENAN: ...people who were involved, either directly fighting with or supporting ISIL. That's what I said.
ANNE-AZZA ALY: It is. It is comparatively high compared to the US, which has an estimated 100 foreign fighters in Syria and Iraq. So Australia to have an estimated 60 is comparatively high. But I’d like to take some time to qualify the threat and the risk and let's really look at whether or not these laws are going to be effective, because I don't think anybody here would deny any kinds of laws that are there for everybody's public safety, as long as they are effective and as long as they are needed, which are two questions that are consistently being asked about the current proposals. So the first thing I want to say is in terms of risk and threat, what have we got? We've got an estimated 60 foreign fighters. We're assuming that they’re going to come here and want to carry out a terrorist attack here so we've said that that's a threat. We’ve got a further estimated 100 here who might support the Islamic State or show some kind of support for the Islamic State, although we don't exactly know what that support means and we are assuming that they’re going to carry out - perhaps carry out a terrorist attack here in Australia and we've qualified that as a threat. The other threat that we've got is the numerous numbers of people who may also become radicalised and largely because of hard counterterrorism measures that then feed into a division in the community and we've got nothing to address that threat. So I've got nothing against legal options but let's be smart about what we're doing here. All very well and good to have the legal options there, as long as they're needed and as long as they don't impinge on civil liberties and as long as they are even-handed so they are not just targeting Muslims but also that ADL who puts up on their Facebook page this is how you make a homemade weapon. Everybody go and make one and kill yourself a Muslim. As long as they - that is even-handed there, I have no problem with that. But where’s all the other stuff to address radicalisation at its roots? Where’s all the social programs? Where’s all the family counselling programs? Where are all the programs to address, at its very core, why young people are becoming radicalised in the first place.
RANDA ABDEL-FATTAH: That's the problem of the West’s failure to acknowledge the connection between their imperial interests in the Middle East and the threat that comes to our soil. There is a connection there and it’s about time the West acknowledges the mess that it creates and the fact is that we are - we are at risk now on our soil because of our involvement and we’re not going to be seduced by this circular logic that we have to go back into Iraq because the threat has increased when renewing our involvement increases the threat. We’re not fools. We know what’s been happening in the last 13 years.
MICHAEL KEENAN: But do you seriously believe that the emergence of a terrorist state over part of the Middle East is not a threat to the security of the world?
Oh yes she does Michael....

and she also thinks anything that happens particularly if it's bad, is our own fault.
RANDA ABDEL-FATTAH: One of the things that I find really problematic about this whole discussion, particularly in Australia, is that we don't even get a sense or an understanding of the intricacies of these conflicts. I’m not an expert on this issue because I’m too busy battling Islamophobia to actually - and we're too busy talking about the narrative of Muslims as potential threats in Australia to actually get to the intricacies. As if any of us here actually understand what is going on over there. As if we really understand the mess that we have created over there and what needs to be done. It's high time that we move to actual proper debates about this and not just jump and say how high when the US goes in there. As if the US is going in there because of humanitarian reasons.
Oh yeah, it's all our fault.
ANNE-AZZA ALY: Very briefly. Going back to the question by Marty, yes, our invasion of Iraq has played a huge role in what's - what’s happening at the moment. The fact is that ISIS is barbaric and I think that a large part of it is the Western intervention and what's happened. But I think that we also need to understand that there is a vacuum of power there and that ISIS has grown incrementally in Iraq and Syria because of that vacuum of power, because of the lack of governance of the Iraqi Government and I think Australia, in terms of whether or not we go in or not, you’re damned if you do and you’re damned if you don't. If we stand by and do nothing, this could turn - this has already turned into a huge genocide. Make no mistake: ISIS is killing Muslims. Left, right and centre, ISIS is killing Muslims.
Gee why would there be a vacuum in a nation with a democratically elected government. perhaps the problem lies in the society and heaven help us lets not mention the way of life that is Islam.
More from the exemplar Muslim woman.
RANDA ABDEL-FATTAH: I don’t live in a country which feels that governments are entitled to tell women how to dress and, you know, to Jacqui Lambie and Cory Bernardi, if that’s the kind of government that they want to live under, they should go to Saudi Arabia or Iran, because it’s in those countries that women's dress is regulated by the state. I completely support the right of a women to choose to dress as she likes and with my interviews during my PhD research with people, it seems that the burqa, which, by the way, no one wears in Australia. The burqa is what you see in Afghanistan. The niqab is what you - the face veil. It seems that is the limit of multiculturalism. In fact, the niqab has made the hijab acceptable. Once upon a time the hijab was sort of the edge of multiculturalism and now it’s the niqab, which seems to be the tipping point for a lot of people when it comes to accepting difference in society and I would just say, as a feminist, that women should be able to dress as they choose and it's not our business to interrogate that decision.
How very naive and how very wrong.
As for the great Green Hope, his contributions can best be summed up as University standard crap and LW prog rubbish. A prime example of his stupidity and hypocrisy below.
TONY JONES: Scott Ludlam?
SCOTT LUDLAM: Don’t ask me. I'm a white guy. Ask the Islamic women how they want to dress.
Really Scott talking in colours how racist of you
Seems to me Randa Fattah was given a great deal of time to espouse her distorted world view on the program.